The Mugging of Lower Shabelle
The
predicament continues. The status quo has not changed. The winds of hope,
expressed by many during what was called the “democratic election” of a
president, may have been the biggest hoax and, in any event, has waned. The
usual culprits are at it again. The demagogues of war and oppression of
peaceful communities still hold Somalia hostage. And the new government of
“hope” looks on with tacit approval.
As
you may very well know, there was a war in Marka, Lower Shabelle last week. You
may not know that it was a war that began as soon as the Somali State ceased to
exist in 1991. Last week’s war highlighted a tragedy that is more complex and
underpinned by a wider net of tribal affiliates and accomplices than one might
imagine.
The
war began as a result of a demonstration by the staff of an Italian NGO called
COSV at its office in Marka. The staff was not paid for eight months. The
Regional Chairman of Aid Operations for Lower Shabelle, a certain Yusuf Mohamed
Abdi of the Habar Gidir subclan, gathered 50 of his militia in Shalamboot under
the banner of the Somali National Army to subdue the demonstrators. The local
police and military from the Biimaal clan, also wearing the uniform of the
Somali National Army and Police uniforms intervened. The HG militia brought
AMISOM for back up; luckily they were stopped in time on the behest of local
elders who pointed out it is a fighting between two parties that are both
members of the National Army. Apart from the death of young men on both sides,
the militia from Shalambot was surrounded. Subsequent to this, another Habar
Gidir subclan militia from Jannaale district under the command of Ina
Dhuxullow, who claims to be the Vice-District Commissioner of Jannaale, joined
the fighting. Reports contend that, in addition to loosing four men with five
others wounded, including the Vice-District Commissioner, the invading militia
lost a car which overturned during the fighting.
The
ensuing event is more shocking not for its own sake but that it has happened at
a time when Somalia’s arms embargo has been lifted. The Commander of the 5th Division stationed around Marka, a Habra Gidir of the
Faqshini subclan, sent a message to the front lines that he and the
Commissioner of Marka, Yariisow of Biimaal clan, are coming to help stop the
fighting and that both sides must cease their fire. Both sides obliged and
waited for the arrival of the Commander and District Commissioner. To the
surprise of the Biimaal guyes, before they knew it, they were receiving bullets
from behind them, exactly were the Commander of the army base said he was
coming from. It was not the commander of the 5th Division, rather it was a Habar Gidir militia leader named
Cirro at the head of a group with technicals. There is more than one report
claiming that Cirro has been severely wounded. As the local fighters stood
their ground and inflicted heavy damages on the Habar Gidir militia, the
Ministry of Internal Affairs intervened.
A
high level delegation was dispatched to Marka. The delegation made matters even
worse. They sacked the Commissioner of Marka, who in the eyes of the community
was one of the few people contributing to betterment of their lives and
appointed a pawn. They appointed a khat dealer who was also an owner of a local
brothel from the Habar Gidir subclan as the Vice-Commissioner of the city.
Isn’t that the most appropriate method to build an aimless, confused management
for the city?
The
most damaging stipulation by the delegation was to send all of the Bimaal
youngsters involved in the war for further training. The reader should know
that whereas the local youngsters completed their army training in Uganda, the
invading clan army were recruited into the National Army without any training.
They were the army of warlord Indhacade et al, who like Idi Amin lays claim to
the opposing titles of General and Sheikh with no qualifications to show for
any of them. With the dispersal of the armed local men, the city of Marka and
the Lower Shabelle has no defence against the “Mongol Hoards” from Mudug. To
say that this fits a pattern of activities by Hawiye militia to take over Lower
Shabelle is not at all an exaggeration.
The
oppression of indigenous population will not succeed without the backing of
power in two forms: a) the usurpation of all positions in the Federal
Government that are supposed to dispense justice to society and b) to subdue
the whimpers and wails of these communities first by strategically placing
Habar Gidir militia around the region and secondly by giving the positions of
power in the region to the same Habar Gidir. From the breakdown of the Somali
State, Habar Gidir militia has been pouring into Lower Shabelle.
For
the past 20 years, the predatory “Mongols” from Mudug bent on annexing Lower
Shabelle by any means used various techniques. At the expiry of Shariff
government’s mandate, the then Minister of Internal affairs appointed a ton of
Hawiye individuals to important positions in Lower Shabelle. All hail from
Hawiye clan family:
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Name
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Position
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Clan/subclan
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Ahmed Omar Mohamed
Madane
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Chairman of Security
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Hawiye - Habar Gidir
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Vice Chair of Social
Affairs
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Omar Mohamed Elmi
(Carrabeey)
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Hawiye - Murusade
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General Secretary of
Lower Shabelle
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Abdulahi Abdi Omar
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Hawiye – Wacdan
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Chairman of Regional
Humanitarian Aid
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Yusuf Mohamed Abdi
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Hawiye – Habar Gidir
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Director of Land
Planning
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Abdullahi Abdi Farah
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Hawiye – Habar Gidir
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Coordinator of
Finances
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Abdinasir Diini Rage
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Hawiye – Habar Gidir
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General Accountant
of Lower Shabelle
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Mohamed Ali Mumin
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Hawiye – Habar Gidir
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Chair of Women’s
Association
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Ikran Ahmed Ga’al
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Hawiye – Murusade
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Vice-Chair of
Humanitarian Aid
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Osman Mohamed
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Hawiye - Abgal
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These
nominations continue to serve in the above capacities under the current
“government of hope” led by Hassan Ulusow. Out of the 12 most important
positions of the Lower Shabelle, only two are allocated for the indigenous
communities: the Governor of the region is held Abdulkari Mohamed Nur from the
Garre clan and his deputy held by Abdulahi Muse Abukar from the Biimaal clan.
Borrowing a page from the colonial masters, puppets from the indigenous
communities are nominated to implement the sinister plans of Habar Gidir, and
generally Hawiye, in Lower Shabelle.
A
careful examination of the above table reveals that the circle of economic and
land expropriation of Lower Shabelle is complete. Everything is in the hands of
Hawiye and none of these individuals are indigenous to Lower Shabelle.
This
complicit understanding between Hawiye to seize Lower Shabelle by any means
necessary is tied to the explicit appropriation of the highest positions of the
Somali government to avoid scrutiny. The people of Lower Shabelle have and will
always remain excluded from any position that can make a difference to the
justice system in Somalia. The will always be looking from the outside. The
only time this communities saw a semblance of justice was during the reign of
Alshabab. That is why they are always accused of Shabab sympathy every time
they try to stand up for their rights. Just look at the majority of the Hawiye
websites and you will see how the complaints of these communities are sidelined
and how links to Shabab are manufactured to cover up for the aggression and
injustice meted out to these communities.
The
new government has not changed the situation. It has perpetuated it. In fact,
the communities of Lower Shabelle are in the most difficult time now. The new
government has entrenched the stranglehold that the Habar Gidir militias had on
these communities. Again, they appointed another Habar Gidir to lead the
Ministry of Interior. From Ali Mahdi’s time until now, the Minister of Interior
is always allocated for Habar Gidir. And that is where the rotten apple
resides.
To
add insult to injury, Habar Gidir elders have complained to their fraternal
caretakers of the Somali government. They wrote to the government complaining
of Biimal aggression against the communities of Lower Shabelle. What a folly!
Somalis say that Arabs commit injustice against you but then cover their folly
in the name of the Prophet before you can (Carabta inta ku nabto ayay Nabiga
kaaga hormartaa). Only in this case, Hawiye are covering their injustice
under the rug of someone they know will take their side. The letter is just a
show off for those of us who do not have a clue.
Hassan
Ulusow’s government depends on Habar Gidir militia. It is an NGO run by
Indhacadde and company. Like all great poets, my friend, The Great Poet,
Togane, described the new government as “Dulmi Jadiid” – The New Injustice. He
had a premonition and it has come true!
A
nation without justice will not exist as a nation. One cannot cherry-pick
justice either. You cannot choose your own definition of justice. Justice has a
universal definition, universal parameters and therefore should be implemented
universally. Without the universal application of justice in Somalia, the
social chaos will not be over and Hassan Ulusow’s government is limping towards
it coffin. That coffin, like all the coffins of governments before it, is on
the shoulders of Habar Gidir.
Nur Bahal
Toronto, Canada
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